Israeli military actions are putting Palestinian education in Gaza and the West Bank at risk
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With every university in Gaza now physically destroyed and with regular bombings killing civilians seeking shelter in school buildings, the term “scholasticide” has come into everyday use. Where did this word come from, and what does it mean?
“Scholasicide” is an academic term coined by Oxford professor Karma Nabulsi in 2009. Professor Nabulsi is a prominent Palestinian scholar and activist known for her advocacy for Palestinian rights and self-determination.
It is important to remember that the word “genocide” began in a similar manner. Polish Jewish professor Raphael Lemkin was teaching at Duke University during the Second World War. After the Holocaust, he found a world willing to listen to his ideas, and a watered-down legal definition of genocide was adopted by the United Nations in 1948. Many elements from Lemkin’s writings about genocide are included in Nabulsi’s concept of “scholasticide.”
While the definition of “scholasticide” includes the bombing and demolition of educational institutions, such as what’s happening in Gaza, it also includes invading and restricting access to educational institutions, harassing, bullying, intimidating, arresting, detaining, incarcerating, or causing bodily or mental harm to teachers, students, staff and administrators.
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These harsh realities are unimaginable for Canadian educators. The intent behind these actions appears not only to cause severe physical or psychological harm but also, as stated in the 1948 Genocide Convention, to deliberately impose conditions of life designed to lead to the group’s physical destruction, either in whole or in part.
Outsiders don’t have access to Gaza, so for now, we must accept the Israeli government’s justification for targeting schools in the area. Israel claims that militant groups like Hamas use civilian infrastructure, including schools, to hide weapons, plan attacks, and launch rockets, effectively turning these locations into military targets. This, according to Israel, legitimizes such strikes under the laws of war as long as they take precautions to minimize civilian harm.
To gain a clearer perspective on what is on the ground in the West Bank, I spoke to Annie Ohana, a teacher friend from British Columbia. Annie is a proud Jew with friends and colleagues in Palestine and family in Israel. In February 2023, she visited Palestinian schools in the West Bank as part of an initiative to foster relationships and build capacity between teachers’ unions in Palestine, the United Kingdom, and Canada. Through her experiences, she gained a unique perspective on the challenges facing education in the region.
Annie observed the strong commitment to education within Palestinian society. Despite current hardships, Palestinians have one of the highest literacy rates in the world. Palestinian scholars, such as Oxford’s Nabulsi, are highly respected in academic circles worldwide. This achievement is especially notable considering that, a century ago, many Palestinians were primarily engaged in traditional livelihoods like sheepherding and olive farming. As their livelihoods were disrupted, Palestinians adapted with resilience, shifting towards education and intellectual pursuits as a means of not only surviving but thriving in a changing world.
Perhaps Israel views the advancement of Palestinian education as a potential threat. Annie told me stories of Palestinian schoolchildren being harassed by Israeli soldiers as they pass through numerous military checkpoints on their way to school. She also described incidents where Israeli soldiers invade schools, physically assaulting and arresting students. As the occupying power, Israel is responsible for paying teacher salaries in many of these schools, yet it often withholds substantial portions of their wages. Moreover, there is a concerted effort by Israel to control the curriculum taught in Palestinian schools.
Annie’s stories reminded me of the dark history of Indigenous education in Canada, particularly the residential school system. Just as Israeli forces impose control over Palestinian education, Indigenous families in Canada were terrorized as police and school officials raided Indigenous villages and forcibly hauled children away to residential schools where a colonial system was imposed that stripped children of their ability to speak their languages and practice their cultures. The Canadian government’s clear intent to erase Indigenous identity has had devastating, long-lasting effects on communities, similar to the cultural suppression Palestinians experience in their educational system.
Yet, Indigenous Canadians have demonstrated remarkable resilience, and today, they are gifting all Canadian children with the most refreshing and effective changes to education that I have seen in my career. For thousands of years, Indigenous children were taught by their elders that each child is sacred, unique, and worthy of celebration. This holistic approach is now being incorporated into mainstream Canadian education, helping foster a more inclusive and supportive learning environment for all children.
“Scholasticide” is a tragic and destructive force, but it cannot overcome human resilience. Just as Indigenous leaders are helping to rebuild the Canadian education system, Palestinian schools, too, will rise again. Despite the obstacles, the strength of Palestinian communities will endure, and their story, like that of Indigenous Canadians, will one day inspire and enrich the world as they continue to share their history and culture with future generations.
Gerry Chidiac specializes in languages and genocide studies and works with at-risk students. He received an award from the Vancouver Holocaust Education Centre for excellence in teaching about the Holocaust.
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According to Mr.Chidiac, “Palestinian education is becoming a casualty of the Hamas/Israeli war.”
Although Israeli military actions have adversely affected Palestinian education in Gaza and the West Bank, blame for this lies entirely with the Palestinians and the their Hamas leadership which started this war with the approval of their people, as the following points show.
As Chidiac grudgingly acknowledges, “Israel claims that militant groups like Hamas use civilian infrastructure, including schools, to hide weapons, plan attacks, and launch rockets, effectively turning these locations into military targets.” This claim is factual because it is supported by abundant physical evidence.
Chidiac says this destruction is widely termed “scholasticide,” meaning the deliberate destruction of educational opportunities, services, and infrastructure, an assertion contradicted by their Israeli government funding aimed at allowing Palestinian children to survive and thrive in a changing world including possible statehood.
Conversely, true scholasticide has always existed in the chauvinistic Moslem world. Currently, girls in Afghanistan are banned from attending school past grade 6.
Chidac’s attempt to pretend that Israel is deliberately killing Gazan civilians both by war and a policy of starvation has long been exposed as a lie. None of Israel’s attempts to defeat Hamas are meant “to deliberately impose conditions of life designed to lead to the group’s physical destruction, either in whole or in part,” as formalized in the 1948 United Nations legal definition of genocide. Instead, any hardships suffered by Palestinian students are an indirect result of Israel’s attempt to destroy Hamas, a vile militant group hell-bent on the genocidal extermination of its Jewish people.
Chidiac may be correct to assert that “Palestinians have one of the highest literacy rates in the world,” but he ignores the well-known evidence that Palestinian people only began to thrive in livelihood and educational attainment after the migration of thousands of Zionists to their Promised Land beginning in the late-19th century.
Chidiac’s contention that there has been a “concerted effort by Israel to control the curriculum taught in Palestinian schools” cannot be taken seriously because the content of teaching is controlled by the local Palestinian Authority. And there is no cultural suppression, as Chidiac asserts, in the Palestinian educational system.
Finally, Chidiac fails to show any resemblance between the education of Palestinian children and what he calls “the dark history of Indigenous education (at Indian Residential Schools) in Canada.” Many elements of this “dark history” have been extensively debunked here, here, here, here, and here. And there is no documented evidence that “police and school officials raided Indigenous villages and forcibly hauled children away to residential schools where a colonial system was imposed that stripped children of their ability to speak their languages and practice their cultures.” Were this true, there would be no Indigenous cultures left.
No equivalence exists between the voluntary Arabic language education of Palestinian children, whose aim is to create an exclusive and unique hegemonic Palestinian cultural identity to replace the former inclusive and traditional Moslem Arab one, and Canada’s Indian Residential Schools. Indeed, many Indigenous activists strongly oppose such comparisons as false and offensive.
In an October 20, 2024, letter to Foreign Affairs Minister Melanie Joly, a collection of “First Nations leaders” even urged the Trudeau government to reject any notion that the Hamas massacres of Oct. 7 had anything to do with “decolonization.”
“There must never be an acceptance in a modern Canadian society of a justification for terror, violence, targeted civilian massacres, or kidnapping …. As Indigenous Peoples in Canada, we fundamentally reject the politically motivated adoption of our historic and ongoing relationship with the Crown by some Canadians to justify these evil actions by terrorists,” it read.
These leaders recognized that mischaracterizing Israel as a colonialist, white supremacist enterprise is profoundly inaccurate: most Israeli Jews are not “white” in the sense of having exclusive European ancestry and share the privileged status taken by Gentile Europeans in the regions they have conquered. Instead, most of Israel’s Jews are “people of colour” – Mizrahim – who have always lived in the Middle East and North Africa, among the Arab, Turkish, Persian, Ethiopian, and other populations of the region.
Chidiac calls the new-fangled notion of “scholasticide” a “tragic and destructive force.” So is mischaracterizing the history and present plight of the Jews of Israel and the Indigenous people of Canada.
Hymie Rubenstein is editor of REAL Indigenous Report, a retired professor of anthropology, University of Manitoba and a senior fellow with the Frontier Centre for Public Policy. He is co-author of Positive Stories About Indian Residential Schools Must Also Be Heard.
Gerry,
You always “cherry pick” these Jews who coincidentally have bad stuff to say about Israel. These lies you spew are over the top. Stop your lies Gerry. Please stop pretending you care about Human rights when in fact, you are very obviously biased when it comes to the Israel/Palestine conflict.
Gerry,
You always “cherry pick” these Jews who coincidentally have bad stuff to say about Israel. These lies you spew are over the top. Stop your lies Gerry. Please stop pretending you care about Human rights when in fact, you are very obviously biased when it comes to the Israel/Palestine conflict.
Letter to the Editor:
I would like to address several inconsistencies and oversimplifications presented in Gerry’s commentary about the situation in Gaza and the use of the term “scholasticide.”
Firstly, the claim that “every university in Gaza is now physically destroyed” is an overstatement. While many educational institutions have been damaged due to conflict, it is misleading to suggest that all have been completely demolished. Universities like the Islamic University of Gaza continue to operate despite these challenges. The accuracy of these details is essential for an informed debate on the issue.
Secondly, the commentary briefly touches on Israel’s justification for targeting schools, stating that Hamas and other militant groups allegedly use civilian infrastructure for military purposes. This issue is more complex than suggested. Reports from international organizations, including the United Nations, have documented instances of weapons being hidden in civilian structures, which complicates the issue. Ignoring this context presents a one-sided view that fails to account for Israel’s security concerns, making the analysis overly simplistic.
The comparison to Canada’s residential schools is also problematic. While both situations involve suppression and power imbalances, the goals and historical context are very different. Canada’s residential schools were a tool of forced assimilation, whereas Israel’s actions in Gaza are primarily driven by security concerns. Equating these two scenarios risks misunderstanding both and oversimplifying the broader geopolitical situation.
Furthermore, the assertion that Israel exerts broad control over Palestinian curriculums is inaccurate. While Israeli influence is felt in East Jerusalem schools, most Palestinian schools in the West Bank and Gaza follow the Palestinian Authority’s curriculum. This distinction is important to understand the scope of Israeli control in educational matters.
Lastly, the term “scholasticide,” used to describe the destruction of Palestinian education, is emotionally charged but lacks nuance in this context. Israel’s military operations have undoubtedly caused harm to educational infrastructure, but these actions are driven by complex security concerns rather than an intent to systematically destroy education.
I believe the debate would benefit from a more balanced and nuanced discussion that considers the full complexity of the situation on the ground.
Jeff
Letter to the Editor:
I would like to address several inconsistencies and oversimplifications presented in Gerry’s commentary about the situation in Gaza and the use of the term “scholasticide.”
Firstly, the claim that “every university in Gaza is now physically destroyed” is an overstatement. While many educational institutions have been damaged due to conflict, it is misleading to suggest that all have been completely demolished. Universities like the Islamic University of Gaza continue to operate despite these challenges. The accuracy of these details is essential for an informed debate on the issue.
Secondly, the commentary briefly touches on Israel’s justification for targeting schools, stating that Hamas and other militant groups allegedly use civilian infrastructure for military purposes. This issue is more complex than suggested. Reports from international organizations, including the United Nations, have documented instances of weapons being hidden in civilian structures, which complicates the issue. Ignoring this context presents a one-sided view that fails to account for Israel’s security concerns, making the analysis overly simplistic.
The comparison to Canada’s residential schools is also problematic. While both situations involve suppression and power imbalances, the goals and historical context are very different. Canada’s residential schools were a tool of forced assimilation, whereas Israel’s actions in Gaza are primarily driven by security concerns. Equating these two scenarios risks misunderstanding both and oversimplifying the broader geopolitical situation.
Furthermore, the assertion that Israel exerts broad control over Palestinian curriculums is inaccurate. While Israeli influence is felt in East Jerusalem schools, most Palestinian schools in the West Bank and Gaza follow the Palestinian Authority’s curriculum. This distinction is important to understand the scope of Israeli control in educational matters.
Lastly, the term “scholasticide,” used to describe the destruction of Palestinian education, is emotionally charged but lacks nuance in this context. Israel’s military operations have undoubtedly caused harm to educational infrastructure, but these actions are driven by complex security concerns rather than an intent to systematically destroy education.
I believe the debate would benefit from a more balanced and nuanced discussion that considers the full complexity of the situation on the ground.
Jeff
I would like to address several inconsistencies and oversimplifications presented in Gerry’s commentary about the situation in Gaza and the use of the term “scholasticide.”
Firstly, the claim that “every university in Gaza is now physically destroyed” is an overstatement. While many educational institutions have been damaged due to conflict, it is misleading to suggest that all have been completely demolished. Universities like the Islamic University of Gaza continue to operate despite these challenges. The accuracy of these details is essential for an informed debate on the issue.
Secondly, the commentary briefly touches on Israel’s justification for targeting schools, stating that Hamas and other militant groups allegedly use civilian infrastructure for military purposes. This issue is more complex than suggested. Reports from international organizations, including the United Nations, have documented instances of weapons being hidden in civilian structures, which complicates the issue. Ignoring this context presents a one-sided view that fails to account for Israel’s security concerns, making the analysis overly simplistic.
The comparison to Canada’s residential schools is also problematic. While both situations involve suppression and power imbalances, the goals and historical context are very different. Canada’s residential schools were a tool of forced assimilation, whereas Israel’s actions in Gaza are primarily driven by security concerns. Equating these two scenarios risks misunderstanding both and oversimplifying the broader geopolitical situation.
Furthermore, the assertion that Israel exerts broad control over Palestinian curriculums is inaccurate. While Israeli influence is felt in East Jerusalem schools, most Palestinian schools in the West Bank and Gaza follow the Palestinian Authority’s curriculum. This distinction is important to understand the scope of Israeli control in educational matters.
Lastly, the term “scholasticide,” used to describe the destruction of Palestinian education, is emotionally charged but lacks nuance in this context. Israel’s military operations have undoubtedly caused harm to educational infrastructure, but these actions are driven by complex security concerns rather than an intent to systematically destroy education.
I believe the debate would benefit from a more balanced and nuanced discussion that considers the full complexity of the situation on the ground.
Jeff